In a sweeping decision that constitutionalizes the modern reality of the imperial presidency, the U.S. Supreme Court has established near-total criminal immunity for Donald Trump’s official acts while he was president. It’s an outcome that would have astonished the nation’s founders, who feared precisely that if the chief executive amassed too much power, the republic would turn into an empire.
The conservative majority in the 6-3 decision left a little bit of room to prosecute Trump for unofficial or private acts committed while in office. But it defined such acts narrowly and said lower courts couldn’t examine Trump’s motives when determining whether a given act was official or not. The result will mean that most, maybe all the federal criminal charges against Trump for conduct related to Jan. 6 will get dismissed. And none has any realistic chance of going to trial before the presidential election in November.
In dissent, Justice Sonia Sotomayor, joined by the other two liberals, condemned the decision in the harshest terms. “In every use of official power,” she wrote, “the president is now a king above the law.”
This result would be deeply disturbing to the nation’s founders. Nothing in the Constitution’s text or original public meaning supports the immunity rules the court crafted.
To the contrary, as Sotomayor pointed out in her dissent, the Constitution specifically anticipates criminal prosecution of a president, noting that after impeachment, a president removed by the Senate “shall nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law.”
Thus the constitutional basis for the court’s decision is entirely grounded in judge-made doctrine. And judge-made doctrine evolves over time, reflecting changing historical and political circumstances. The single greatest transformation in the American constitutional system since 1789 is the rise of what historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr. famously called the imperial presidency.
The Supreme Court has, over the last 60 years or so, gradually given the president more and more insulation from ordinary legal processes — far more than the framers would have dreamt of. The basic argument is that the president, as leader of the free world, needs to be able to do the job without too much interference. Unspoken is the understanding that the modern president is, in practice, much more like an elected ruler of a global empire than like the weak leader of a small republic, as early presidents were.
To be sure, the Supreme Court made Richard Nixon hand over the Watergate tapes. It subjected Bill Clinton to testifying in the Paula Jones case. It has rhetorically insisted — in Trump’s case and in the past — that the president is not above the law. But the court also gave the president immunity from civil suits for official actions in 1982.
The Trump immunity decision extends that protection to criminal immunity — all in exercise of the same core idea that the all-powerful president needs to be free and undistracted to run the empire.
The constitutional takeaway is that the court’s six conservatives, all of them supposedly originalists who care about the text of the Constitution, deviated from their jurisprudential principles to create criminal immunity for Trump.
The court’s grant of criminal immunity operated in several steps, each of which affects a part of the Jan. 6-related prosecution of Trump.
First, the court held that the president’s official acts are presumed entitled to immunity unless the government can show that a given criminal charge would pose “no dangers of intrusion on the authority and functions of the executive branch.” As Sotomayor noted, most conceivable charges related to official acts would pose some danger of intrusion, so the immunity granted is effectively absolute for official acts. For example, the Supreme Court said that the charges against the former president for conspiring with the acting attorney general to change the election results were based on official acts and would therefore have to be dismissed.
In sum, the Supreme Court has gutted the effort to hold Donald Trump legally accountable for his efforts to overturn the 2020 election. That’s astonishing and tragic. The court’s decision reflects the gradual expansion of the imperial presidency.
A president tried to break our democracy by overturning the results of an election that he lost, and the Supreme Court has responded by protecting him from criminal prosecution. Our founders would be horrified. The Caesars would nod in approval.
Noah Feldman is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist and law professor at Harvard University.
