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Throughout the long, strange trip that is Donald Trump’s political career, one of the more perplexing aspects has been the notion of populism.
Trump often is described as a “populist,” with pundits alternately celebrating or decrying the global rise of populism.
As David Brooks of the New York Times wrote recently: “Populism has emerged as the dominant global movement.” As a 2021 article from the Council on Foreign Affairs says: “Donald J. Trump is an authoritarian populist. And one of the key characteristics of populism lies in a leader’s belief that they, and they alone, truly represent the people.” And as Reuters wrote this year: “While the modern Republican Party’s re-orientation around populist issues might limit its appeal to college-educated suburban and urban voters, it appears to be attracting some new supporters.”
All of which has led to multiple recent stories about Democrats trying to usurp the populist mantle. With Kamala Harris as the party’s presidential candidate (disclosure: my daughter is working for the Harris campaign), CNN.com asks, “Harris vs. Trump: Who’s The Real Populist Candidate?”
Which brings up the perplexing part. Because populism suggests that something is popular, which never has applied to Trump. In his first presidential election, he lost by 3 million votes but won the anachronistic Electoral College. In his second presidential election, he lost the popular vote by 7 million, which is close to Ronald Reagan vs. Jimmy Carter territory.
Yet it goes beyond Trump. The modern Republican Party clings to unpopular positions like Trump weirdly groping an American flag.
Take abortion. Trump brags about overturning Roe v. Wade. Yet 85 percent of Americans in the latest Gallup poll said abortion should be legal in at least some circumstances.
Since the Supreme Court’s Dobbs decision, state elections have routinely and resoundingly demonstrated the public’s support of the right to abortion. But Republican-led legislatures continue to enact restrictions that belie the notion of popular will.
Or take gun control. Republicans in Congress have been loath to support restrictions on firearms, treating Second Amendment absolutism as a red badge of courage. But polls routinely show that two-thirds of Americans support stronger gun control.
Or take climate change. Trump repeatedly has called it a hoax, and elected Republicans repeatedly have fought measures to reduce carbon emissions. Yet according to a poll this year from the University of Chicago (along with other surveys), a majority of Americans not only believe climate change is real but that it is caused by human activity.
And when there is an issue where congressional Republicans land on the side of popular support — border security — they scuttle their own legislation at Trump’s urging.
Indeed, the idea of populism can be confusing. According to a 2020 article from The Atlantic, dozens of academics from around the world gathered to define the political movement. The conclusion: “There can, at present, be no doubt about the importance of populism. But no one is clear what it is.”
Which, of course, leaves us with one recourse — a call to Jim Moore of Pacific University’s Tom McCall Center for Civic Engagement.
“Populism is when you listen to the people and follow the lead of the public,” Moore said. The alternative is leading from in front — you know, actual leadership. And the difference helps explain Trump.
“He’s light on policy. He’s doing things and saying things that get people riled up,” Moore said. “If people are scared, you can say, ‘Follow me.’ ”
That might work for Trump, but it creates doubts about the future of the Republican Party. By transforming into a cult of personality rather than a functioning political machine that has room for non-MAGAs, the party is gambling with its future.
“We’ve been here before,” Moore said about “populism” in America. “It usually blows itself out.”
To avoid those winds, Republicans might want to start embracing some popular positions.
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