The following is presented as part of The Columbian’s Opinion content, which offers a point of view in order to provoke thought and debate of civic issues. Opinions represent the viewpoint of the author. Unsigned editorials represent the consensus opinion of The Columbian’s editorial board, which operates independently of the news department.
For months, Sen. Joe Manchin’s refusal to sign onto President Joe Biden’s signature Build Back Better bill has subjected the West Virginia Democrat to substantial flak from party progressives.
But Manchin is hardly the only one responsible for the impasse that threatens to sink Biden’s top legislative priority. Democratic progressives, the Biden White House and party leaders have been unrealistic on how much spending could pass the narrowly divided Congress.
Leaders of the Democratic party’s left wing — and the White House — can’t escape some responsibility for the impasse. They have endangered BBB’s prospects by unrealistically demanding more spending than can pass a 50-50 Senate where administration legislation needs the votes of the two independently minded Democratic moderates, Manchin and Arizona’s Kyrsten Sinema.
Progressives are demanding an immediate Senate vote, presumably to embarrass Manchin. Schumer says the Senate will vote early this year on “a revised version” of the House bill. If the goal is to pass BBB, those revisions better meet some of Manchin’s demands.
After all, this remains the best chance for Democrats to enact popular portions of their agenda, like universal pre-kindergarten, added day care support, Medicaid expansion, expanded Obamacare subsidies and a range of environmental measures.
Manchin favors fewer programs, fully funded for the bill’s full 10-year extent; The Washington Post says they include universal pre-kindergarten, Obamacare subsidies and environmental measures. Washington Rep. Suzanne DelBene, chair of the centrist New Democrat Coalition, favors a similar narrower approach. That would force Democratic leaders to make previously avoided choices and eliminate some costlier proposals.
One could be extending the child tax credit passed earlier this year, which many Democrats favor. The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office says full funding would cost $1.6 trillion over the decade. Preschool and child care provisions would cost $752 billion, it says.
That wouldn’t leave room to expand Obamacare subsidies and Medicaid, include environmental provisions or add paid family and medical leave.
Biden’s election and the capture of two Georgia Senate seats last January encouraged many Democrats to believe he could rival Franklin D. Roosevelt and Lyndon B. Johnson in enacting far-reaching social programs. Congress has already passed two significant measures, Biden’s $1.9 trillion relief bill to ease the pandemic’s impact and the $1.2 trillion bipartisan measure to meet long-ignored infrastructure needs. But the costlier reconciliation bill always faced problems.
The House finally passed, after multiple delays caused by Democratic in-fighting. But it stalled in the Senate, because of Manchin’s objections and opposition to tax and immigration provisions the House added to get the necessary votes.
Recent acrimony increases the uncertainty over whether Democrats can take advantage of their current control of Congress and the White House to enact this key part of their agenda.
Progressives need to recognize that even a reduced bill would provide a platform of achievement for Democrats to run on in the midterm elections. Any bill would improve the lives of millions of Americans more than no bill.
Carl P. Leubsdorf is a columnist for Dallas Morning News.
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