Leubsdorf: Schumer-McConnell split is bad for everyone

Schumer, who took the chamber’s leadership from McConnell after Republican infighting cost the GOP two Georgia Senate seats, was hardly the gracious victor in what was, inevitably, but one round in a continuing battle likely to last throughout the year — and beyond.

After 11 Republicans voted to allow a two-month debt ceiling increase to pass with only Democratic votes, Schumer took the floor and, accurately but unnecessarily, denounced McConnell’s maneuvers.

“Republicans played a dangerous and risky partisan game,” the Democratic leader said, adding, “Republicans must recognize in the future that they should approach fixing the debt limit in a bipartisan way.”

On Friday, McConnell responded with an unusually strong-worded letter to Biden. He sought to blame the impasse on Democrats and, even more unnecessarily, added, “Whether through weakness or an intentional effort to bully his own members, Senator Schumer marched the nation to the doorstep of disaster.”

The need for periodic votes raising the debt limit has been troublesome for whichever party is running the government at the time. Enacted a century ago, it was intended to help Congress control federal spending, but it has been spectacularly unsuccessful.

The reason: It ratifies prior spending and tax actions, rather than brake future ones. Failure to act would force the U.S. government into default, unable to pay bills or collect debts, threatening economic disaster.

As a result, Congress always eventually acts, but often after each party tries to extract political advantage.

Underlying differences

In a sense, these battles reflect the underlying differences today between the parties. Each new Democratic president, like Biden, has sought to expand federal domestic programs, for the most part without the 60 Senate votes needed for most action. That gives the GOP leverage.

Republicans, meanwhile, are less interested in new programs than in stopping existing ones and cutting taxes; the last three Republican administrations did so without providing offsetting revenue, just like the Democrats did on spending measures.

Indeed, Trump had the most minimal legislative program of any recent president — primarily tax cuts, his border wall, the unsuccessful effort to repeal Obamacare and confirmation of conservative federal judges.

Because the House is likely to remain hopelessly enmeshed in partisan warfare for the foreseeable future, the burden is on the Senate to do something to lower the rhetoric and restore some of the comity that once existed. But that’s hard to do when the leaders rarely talk to one another.