<img height="1" width="1" style="display:none" src="https://www.facebook.com/tr?id=192888919167017&amp;ev=PageView&amp;noscript=1">
Tuesday,  November 19 , 2024

Linkedin Pinterest
Opinion
The following is presented as part of The Columbian’s Opinion content, which offers a point of view in order to provoke thought and debate of civic issues. Opinions represent the viewpoint of the author. Unsigned editorials represent the consensus opinion of The Columbian’s editorial board, which operates independently of the news department.
News / Opinion / Columns

Will: How to reduce money in politics

By George Will
Published: May 12, 2019, 6:01am

The progressive catechism teaches that there is “too much money” in politics. A codicil to this tenet, written in fine print, is that the term “money” does not apply to money from George Soros, government employees unions, private-sector unions, trial lawyers, Democratic-oriented private-equity firms and white-shoe law firms, Silicon Valley executives or entertainment celebrities.

The catechism does not include the truism that the way to reduce the amount of money in politics is to reduce the amount of politics in the allocation of money and of opportunities for making it. This would eviscerate the progressive agenda, which involves government, aka politics, redistributing wealth, regulating the creation of it, and rescuing “fairness” from “market failure,” aka markets producing results that progressives dislike. Now comes a strange proposal from one of the stranger Democratic presidential campaigns, that of New York Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand.

As a congresswoman representing a moderate upstate district, she earned a 100 percent score from the NRA. She supported repeal of D.C.’s gun restrictions and said she kept rifles under her bed. She also opposed driver’s licenses for illegal immigrants, and was a member of the Blue Dog Coalition of occasionally conservative Democrats. When, however, in 2009 she was appointed to the Senate to replace Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, Gillibrand discovered her inner progressive, even opposing repeal of D.C.’s gun-control regime.

Arriving in the Senate, Gillibrand decided that she should take her talents 16 blocks west on Pennsylvania Avenue. Seeking a lane of her own in the Democrats’ congested nomination scramble, her signature proposal is to purify politics using “democracy dollars.”

Every eligible voter could get these just by asking the government for up to 600 of them. For each federal race, the Federal Election Commission would provide $200 worth of vouchers that voters could contribute to House, Senate and presidential candidates, $100 in primaries and $100 in general elections. Voters could donate to House and Senate races in their states.

‘Democracy dollars’

Writing in the Washington Examiner, Luke Wachob of the Institute for Free Speech calculates that if even 20 percent of the 137.5 million who voted in 2016 had used vouchers, taxpayers would have given federal candidates more than $16 billion. Such candidates spent a total of $2.7 billion in the 2015-16 cycle, amid lamentations about “too much money” in politics.

Voters, however, have repeatedly demonstrated opposition to politicians’ proposals for funneling money to politicians. Indeed, this might be America’s most frequently and reliably “polled” policy: Since 1976, there has been the Presidential Election Campaign Fund. Every year, taxpayers can, by checking a box on their tax return, contribute to the fund. Participation peaked in 1980, when 28.7 percent of taxpayers checked the box. By 2018, participation fell to 3.9 percent.

The richest Americans can contribute only $5,600 to a candidate’s campaigns. Large contributions to issue-advocacy PACs would be unaffected by the proposal. Still, she says “democracy dollars” will combat “corruption,” meaning the corruption of others less admirable than she: Gillibrand does not say that she has been corrupted by any of the $58,508,025.68 she has received in contributions during her career.

Loading...